Desiderata for the Philippines: Piercing the Upper Limit

AAs the country approaches 2026, the annual ritual of New Year's resolutions has once again crowded our public discourse. The Philippine government announced another reform agenda, our political leaders issued promises of change, and citizens renewed long-lost hopes. Yet experience, both personal and collective, instructs us that most resolutions do not stick. Studies show that only a small portion of these intentions are ever fulfilledfiLL.Ed. The rest are burdened by unclear goals, weak accountability, and an unwillingness to confront differencesfiCreed structural barriers. they are more cruelfiInstead of converting it, it was written on paper.

What is true of individuals is also true of nations.

More than a decade ago, Gaye Hendrix, in big jumpDescribed what he called the “upper limit problem”: self-imposed constraints that prevent people and institutions from realizing their full potential. He argued that progress requires first accepting these limitations and then consciously overcoming them, moving from incompetence to competence, to excellence, and fiIndeed what he called “the zone of genius”, where purpose, ability and responsibility meet.

The Philippines today is stuck living short of its potential not because of lack of talent, resources or opportunity, but because it has repeatedly failed to break through the upper limits of its governance. It's a great place to get things done together.

As we must put it bluntly, public policy in the Philippines is performing poorly compared to our neighbors not by accident, but by design. We elect MLAs without the necessary qualifications and preparation to make laws. We reward loyalty over merit in public appointments. We tolerate patronage politics and weak institutions, then wonder why implementation fails. In doing so, we normalize mediocrity and excuse injustice. This is how we have prepared our political and economic system.

The results are now clear. Following the conclusion of Article IV consultations with the Philippines this month, the International Monetary Fund has warned that the balance of risks to the country's growth is tilted to the downside, particularly citing corruption allegations in flood control projects, coupled with climate shocks and global trade uncertainty. The Fund has called for strong governance, steadfast adherence to the rule of law and decisive action against the vulnerabilities of corruption.

World Bank, Asian Development Bank and ASEAN+3 Macroeconomic ResearchfiThe CE has echoed these concerns, pointing to a lack of public trust as a drag on growth. Even where the credit outlook remains stable,fiThe density is becoming increasingly fragile.

This is not just an economic problem. This is a crisis of institutions, leadership and moral compass.

So it is important to ask, not rhetorically but seriously, what do we, as a people and as a polity, really want for the Philippines? What are our non-negotiable desiderata?

Our answer is drawn from some years of civic and political engagement with 1Sambayan, especially in the run-up to the 2022 national elections. At its core, 1Sambayan is not a traditional political organization, but a reform coalition based on shared values. Its People's Agenda: Nine Principles of Unity and Commitment Begins with a reminder from Pope Francis: “Rivers do not drink their own waters; trees do not eat their own fruits; the sun does not shine by itself; nor do the flowers spread their own fragrance.” Power exists to serve. Leadership is being there for others.

This is what moral clarity is lacking in our politics – and what our country needs.

Thus, our desire for a Philippines addressed directly to policy makers and the Filipino people is clear.

First, elections must be truly free, fair and honest. The right to vote is sacred because it determines who rules and how power is exercised. Election integrity is not a procedural issue; It is the foundation of legitimate authority.

Second, the nation must unite against corruption – not selectively, not rhetorically, but decisively. Corruption is not a victimless crime; It steals from the poor, weakens institutions, and robs future generations.

Third, the rule of law must be upheld without exception, and human rights must be respected as a policy and principle. Laws lose their meaning when enforcement is arbitrary and development becomes hollow when dignity is denied.

Fourth, the Philippines must defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity with clarity and determination. A nation that cannot protect its rights cannot inspire fraud.ficloseness between its citizens or its trading partners.

Fifth, public health should be considered a core investment, not a residual expenditure. A healthy population is a productive population, and access to health care – especially for marginalized people – is a moral and economic imperative. What happened to the PhilHealth fund should be a cautionary tale.

Sixth, the economy must be comprehensively restructured to achieve inclusive, self-reliant and resilient growth. Growth That BenefiThere is not just some progress; This instability has been averted.

Seventh, education, civic values ​​and cultural integrity should be strengthened. Nation-building depends not only on skills, but also on character, responsibility and a shared sense of purpose.

Eighth, social justice and peace must be actively pursued, especially in communities that have long been deprived of opportunity and voice. Peace without justice is temporary; Justice is incomplete without peace.

Ninth, communities must be empowered to be resilient, especially in the face of climate change. Citizens must have both the capacity and agency to influence policies that affect their security and livelihoods.

These principles are not ambitious slogans. Those are policy imperatives.

As former Congressman Joey Salceda observed, fiScale is not the same as space progress. The Philippines has not failed because of weak development or uncontrolled growth.Flation. It has stalled because institutions have not kept pace with economic change and politics has failed to serve the common good. Our plateau is institutional, not technical.

This is where the emphasis of 1Sambayan is most important. Making the system work requires putting the right people in the right positions through credible elections. This requires mobilizing civil society and the business community to demand transparency and accountability. It needs to be recognized that investors, like citizens, value predictability, justice and the rule of law more than short-term profits.

Human capital – health, education and the ability to adapt to technological change – must be the sustainable foundation of innovation-led growth. No country has become sustainably prosperous by neglecting the well-being and capabilities of its people. Public health and quality education are not social add-ons; They are strategic investments that determine productivity, resilience and national competitiveness.

Also, long pending structural reforms can no longer be postponed. As the Foundation for Economic Freedom has advanced over time, the constitutional, legal and regulatory frameworks should be updated to reflect current realities rather than outdated fears. An economic system that reinforces exclusion, limits opportunity, and privileges a limited few cannot generate dignity, social cohesion, or peace. Reform is not ideological – it is practical, moral and necessary.

Our last wish is for the Philippines fiUltimately break your self-imposed upper limit. That we destroy the unjust political and economic systems that prevent the many from benefitingfiOf the few, and replace it with institutions that are fair, competent and accountable. It demands courage and integrity from policymakers, who must govern not for the next election but for the next generation. It demands vigilance and participation from citizens, who should emphasize on publicfiCE is a public trust.

The choice before us is clear and obvious: to continue managing decline through cosmetic reforms, or to make a decisive leap toward a better system that works – for the people, by the people and in the service of the common good. Only by choosing the latter can 2026 be considered not another year of abandoned resolutions, but the beginning of a sustained national transformation toward a just, sovereign, and inclusive Philippines.

God bless the Philippines!

 

Diwa C. Guingundo is the former Deputy Governor for Monetary and Economics Sector, Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP). He served BSP for 41 years. In 2001–2003, he was Alternate Executive Director at the International Monetary Fund in Washington, DC. He is the senior pastor of Fullness of Christ International Ministries in Mandaluyong.

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